The Experiment Continues 681 2011-06-28-2

View 681 Tuesday June 28, 2011 – 2

I continue to work with WordPress and the new system for View and Mail. I miss being able to look over the day’s work and add to it, and there are other changes to get used to.

Meanwhile, there’s to be a bit of a hiatus: tomorrow we’re off for a few days. I expect to be back in business tomorrow (Wednesday) night, but I’m not sure what web access I will have. This system is impossible if you’re not on line: there’s little in the way of local copies of work done, so to link to anything else requires going out to the web. All fine and good if you have uninterrupted high speed Internet. Impossible if you don’t. Not much in between.

The business of chronological and blogological order still needs resolution. Not much I can do about that either, except to try to keep various bundles of thoughts together rather than letting them get spread out across a number of separate posts. That requires a bit of forethought, which means that the concept of a day book, a log of one’s thoughts and actions for the day, gets lost and nearly impossible. That needs rethinking because this was conceived as a day book, not a “blog” as that has come to be understood.

We’ll see what happens tomorrow. If that turns out to be nothing, I’ll use Thursday to remedy the situation. And I’ll get some Mail up this evening. Probably general packet and another of comments on the new system. One thing I have noticed is that I have not learned how to do internal linkages. I used to use those a lot. But I’m still learning here…

I am writing this in Word in “blog publish mode.” When I “publish” that makes use of CSS sheets. I have set the “normal” style here to Georgia but made no other changes. We can see what that does…

 

Judgment Days 681/2011-06-28-1

View Week 681 Tuesday, June 28, 2011

Yesterday was Supreme Court Monday, and we heard the wisdom from on high in Washington. We also heard from the International Criminal Court in The Hague, which issued warrants for the arrest and life imprisonment of Qaddaffi and his sons. Of course the life imprisonment could only come after a conviction, but given that the Court is a nightmare bureaucracy whose members are elected by another nightmare bureaucracy, anyone who falls into its hands is unlikely ever to emerge again.

The United States signed the conventions creating this Kafkaesque institution, but later withdrew, as did Israel, so it is possible that the US might yet be able to arrange transport to exile for the Libyan dictator and his family if that ever becomes preferable to spending millions a week breaking things and killing people in an attempt to protect the people of Libya from Qadaffi’s minions who are said to be breaking things and killing people. Note that while the US no longer recognizes any obligations to the Court, the Libya case was referred to the Court for investigation by an act of the UN Security Council. Presumably the US had a veto which was not exercised. Curiouser and curiouser.

Of course all depends on one’s objectives. If the objective is to slow down and perhaps halt the various operations by all parties breaking things and killing people in Libya, the cheapest and possibly the quickest way would be to use silver bullets. Khadaffi must be discouraged by now, and is probably willing to discuss giving up, provided that he gets to retire and stay rich and that his kids get the same deal. How rich is a matter for negotiations: his notion of rich is probably a lot higher than ours. Still, one can see how this might be negotiated.

If the objective is justice for the Libyan people – who, after all, would probably riot if Gaddafi were to get out of this alive, rich, and safe – then it’s another matter. Justice for dictators and tyrants seems to be agreed on: life imprisonment in a European style prison. There aren’t too many alternatives. There’s no death penalty, and after all, if you get convicted of being a ruthless tyrant and you can’t be taken out in the yard and shot, then what’s left? Besides, International Prison Guards have to eat, too. So there’s some pressure on to snag Qadafi and his boys and drag them off to wherever it is that tax money – inevitably a lot of it American tax money – has paid built to be the 21st Century equivalent of Spandau. Spandau was where we kept the Nazi war criminals that we didn’t hang, and in a fit of absence of mind we tore it down in 1987 after its last – and for more than a decade only – prisoner, Rudolf Hess, died. Still, we can study the Spandau example for hints on how to operate a new International prison system. There are hundreds of pages of regulations, with more added weekly after the prison population got down to seven, and some were added during the decades when Hess was the only prisoner. We can learn from a document like that. I presume that it was destroyed but only after three copies were made and filed.

Of course if the objective is simply to get the Libyan War over with, another possibility would be to hand the problem over to the Seals, Delta Force, and their British equivalents SAS and SBS. Give them a budget and instructions (such as ‘make him dead, and be ready to swear blind that you had no part in doing it’), and be ready to hold a press conference in a few weeks. Don’t add the Agency to the mix unless you’re prepared to wait a while.

Meanwhile, the Supreme Court has upheld Free Speech by decreeing that California can’t stop the sales of Grand Theft Auto and other games that allow teenagers to steal cars, kill police, and generally wreak virtual mayhem on a bunch of electrons. The Justices lined up in improbable mixes on this one, and Justices Thomas and Breyer dissented entirely. I have only third hand accounts of who said what about which, but I do wonder what if anything was said about the right of the States to impose some – any – cultural standards. I would have thought that preservation of existing culture was sort of the purpose of a State, and that this was the one thing the States didn’t think they were giving up when they formed the Union. Now we explicitly rejected one culture, slavery, with the 13th Amendment, and in the 14th gave Congress the authority to enforce laws and regulations to wipe out some other cultural institutions; but the notion that the States have the right to exist and to preserve their own essences was never given over so far as I know. I don’t see why California can’t forbid the sales of Grant Theft Auto or whatever other video game the legislature, in its great wisdom, chooses to censor; just as Arizona should be free to make playing the game compulsory in the public schools. But that’s another story for another time.

And finally, as noted in the Wall Street Journal’s editorial “Another Political Speech Victory”, the court continues to hack away at the campaign finance “reform” laws which mostly have the effect of protecting incumbents.

View Week 681 June 27 2011 – 3

View Week 681 June 27, 2011 – 3]

 

I set up a bunch of mail only to be told that it will not publish. The problem seems to be related to very long links, but I am not sure. I don’t understand cascading style sheets but then I don’t think Word and WordPress have full understanding either. I will continue to grind on this. Some of that mail may be lost, and I apologize, but I have put in the whole day on this, and I’m running out of energy. The good news is that I did have the energy and the interest to grind on this all day.

Of course one solution is to start with a new document and publish each one for each mail. That will cut down on the amount of mail I can publish because the mechanical work of putting it up takes time.

Mail is important and getting it right is important. I’ll keep working on it. Thanks for your patience.

One problem is that the only message I get is that “this cannot be published.” I will try to learn more about why that has happened. It only happened once so maybe I was just unlucky. In any event this will all work out, and I did get a bunch of mail up. We’ll continue…

 

 

View 681 June 27 Reynolds

View Week 681 June 27, 2011 – 2

The Lochner Ness Monster

I haven’t thought about Lochner v. NY since I taught Constitutional Law at Pepperdine a very great many years ago. Of course most people have never thought about it at all, so that’s hardly astonishing, and most of those who have thought about it ,ay have done so in the wrong way and drawn the wrong conclusions. David Bernstein has a new book entitled Rehabilitating Lochner, and that wouldn’t get me thinking about it either, if Glenn Reynolds hadn’t written a review in Commentary (link). Reynolds writes not as Instapundit, but as Glenn Harlan Reynolds, Beauchamp Brogan Distinguished Professor of Law at the University of Tennessee. If all his lectures are as interesting as this review, he must be popular with the intellectually gifted among the UT law students. Grinds boning for simple answers may have a different view.

In the conventional law school wisdom, Lochner is paired with Plessy v. Ferguson (decided a decade before Lochner) as one of the cases limiting civil rights, and it is generally taught that way, but that’s not the real story – or at least it is not the story as I learned it from Professor Ken Cole at the University of Washington, and it’s not how I taught it in my Pepperdine courses for pre-law majors, possibly to their detriment when they got to law school.

Reynolds says

In my experience, law students exposed to Lochner for the first time, without being told that they’re supposed to hate it, tend to find it pretty reasonable: state passes law that impinges on individual freedom, court finds alleged purpose unpersuasive, strikes law to uphold freedom. That was pretty much the story of federal courts and the Constitution in the 20th century, and if Lochner had been at all unusual, that was only because it came so early on in the process. In methodology and approach, Lochner fits comfortably with all sorts of more celebrated cases, from Dean Milk v. Madison in 1951 (involving protectionism) to Griswold v. Connecticut in 1965 (the privacy ruling later used against Robert Bork in his ugly confirmation hearing).

Elsewhere, as Bernstein recounts, advocates for African-Americans’ and women’s rights often made use of freedom of contract as a way to strike down laws limiting those groups’ economic freedom. Freedom of contract was a powerful weapon for dissolving the legal rules that, unsurprisingly, tended to work against those excluded from legislative power. Economic freedom, far from being a tool of the big bosses, was an important way for the underdogs to gain the freedom to compete, and to undermine the legal support that was essential to making Jim Crow and related laws work.

There’s considerably more to think about in this review. I don’t expect lawyers in general, much less the general public, to read Bernstein’s book – I hope to get to it, but I have an enormous stack ahead of it – but I think any lawyer interested in law and the constitution would find it more than worth his time to find Professor Reynolds’ Commentary review of Bernstein’s book. Freedom of contract has been neglected lately. Sometimes rather obscure legal concepts can be very important in trying to recover a proper balance of individual, States, and Federal rights and powers. This is one of those legal points worth contemplating.

“The Lochner Ness Monster” a review by Glenn Reynolds. Commentary June 2011